Neville’s Confession, Case, and Advice

Right Honourable, my duty and conscience binding me, besides your Honours’ commandment, to declare whatsoever has come to my knowledge touching the designs and the enterprises of the late Earl of Essex, I have faithfully set it down in this evil-couched narration following: and not only that, but whatsoever else has passed between me and him or any of his complices since my coming out of France, that your Honours, seeing all the circumstances that concern me laid open before you, may make the clearer judgment of my intention.

It may please your Honours to understand that at my arrival at London from Boulogne, which was, as I remember, the sixth of August last, I met with a message which Mr. Cuffe (with whom I had had long acquaintance) left at my lodging the day before, to this effect: that I had had evil offices done me, as my lord of Essex was informed by his friends in court, and that some great blame was like to be cast upon me for the breach at Boulogne, as if I had, by some particular evil carriage of mine, given the occasion of it; which my lord in good will was desirous I should know, that I might be prepared to answer it. Mr. Cuffe himself was then gone out of town to Oxford, as I remember it was said, but returned upon the Monday after, being the 10th or 11th of the month, and came presently unto me and renewed the same advertisement. But I had been in the meantime at the court and found no such matter, but rather altogether the contrary. And so I answered him. But he said, howsoever things were turned now, there was such an intention, and my lord had received it from so good hand as there could not be but some truth in it; and that my lord in good will would have me know it, being one that he esteemed very much and was sorry to see so wronged. I answered that I did acknowledge myself very much bound to my lord in it, and did take it for a great argument of his good will and favour, which I would deserve with any service I could do him.

Not long after this he brought me a letter from my lord, full of all kindness towards me, testifying his good conceit of me and his affection towards me, and that he desired my love and would hold it as a great treasure. I returned an answer with the best compliments I could, with such phrases and offers of service as are usual unto such persons and upon such kind provocations. Soon after, my lord went into the country, and myself likewise for a time, where, although I remained within ten mile of him, and rode twice in one week by the park pale where he lay, I protest I never saw him nor sent to him, either to present or visit him, although I understood that most gentlemen in those parts did both. But Cuffe came from thence once to my house and brought me very kind commendations from my lord, and purposed, as it seemed, to have stayed two or three days with me, but that the next day I had occasion to ride into the Vale, and so we parted at Nettlebed.

After this I saw him not till my coming to London, which was not till after the middle of October, where I had not been long but he came to see me and moved me to come to see my lord, saying that now he was at liberty, and all the world that would now came at him. I said I would find a time to come see him ere it were long; but yet, upon some occasion of business I had, I put it off for four or five days. But at length he named me a time, saying that he had told my lord I would come, and that he expected it and would marvel if I came not. He said that time would be very fit, and that he would desire my lord to go to supper so much the sooner. He told me also he would appoint one to meet me and bring me in to my lord’s study. I came accordingly in the evening, about eight of clock as I guess, and was met by Glascocke, my lord’s man, who conducted me as Mr. Cuffe (he said) had directed. After some half hour’s stay or more, my lord came up and received me very kindly, and entertained me with many questions of foreign matters, and some hopes of his own about the sweet wines, and otherwise to be restored to Her Majesty’s presence and favour ere it were long; and at length dismissed me with very kind offers, and brought me down himself to the back gate. But in all his talk I protest I did not hear him use any undutiful speech of the Queen or the state.

After this visitation I protest I never spoke with him, nor received any letter from him, nor he from me. Cuffe would come sometimes unto me. And when I asked him how his lord’s matters stood in court, he would sometimes give show of hope and sometimes of despair. And at those times when he seemed to despair, he would break out into words of heat and impatience; as namely, once I remember he repeated this verse: Arma tenenti omnia dat qui iusta negat. Whereunto I answered in French, Tout beau, he spoke very big. And either at that time or another, upon like occasion, he said it made no matter; it would give my lord cause to think the sooner of some other courses. About Christmas last, but whether before or after I do not well remember, he told me they were informed that there was a purpose to take some pretext to lay up my lord of Southampton, and that they took it as a preface to the laying up of my lord of Essex himself; but that he thought my lord was resolved they should never coop him more.

With these uncertain and wild speeches he would sometimes entertain me, and never broke directly with me of my particular till the Saturday after Candlemas term began, as I remember. And then I, coming in to my lodging somewhat late in the evening, found him there, where he had attended me an hour or two, as I learned. He desired me to walk up into my chamber, which he had not used to do before; and there he told me, after a preface of the confidence that my lord had of my good affection towards the state and towards himself in particular, that his purpose was to make me privy to some designs he had, both for his own safety and for the good of the state; wherein he would first assure me that there should be nothing intended or attempted against Her Majesty’s person or estate. And told me further that my lord did not desire that I should embark myself into it further than I was willing, but that when I should hear it proposed I should consider of it and give him what advice I thought fit; and for that purpose he desired that I would meet as soon as might be with my lord of Southampton and Sir Charles Davers, who should relate the particulars unto me. I told him that, with that limitation which he promised me, that nothing should be attempted against the Queen’s person nor her estate, I would be contented to hear what should be proposed, and would meet for that purpose the next day in the afternoon at Sir Charles Davers’ lodging.

But that day I was appointed to attend the Lords about French causes, where I stayed till it was late, and so disappointed the meeting. The Monday and Tuesday I attended Mr. Secretary Herbert at the Doctors’ Commons about an answer to be made to the French ambassador’s complaints. The Wednesday we spent all the afternoon with the ambassador. The Thursday, Friday and Saturday I excused myself by reason of my private business. Yet upon the Friday or Saturday, as I remember, having understood that Sir Charles Davers was not at his lodging, I went that way and left word I had been there to see him; which I did because I had been often solicited by Cuffe in the meantime about the meeting, and told that they began to make an evil judgment of my delay. And when I answered that my lord might as well deliver his mind to me by him as by them, he said my lord had rather made choice of them than of him, to breed a confidence between them and me. And indeed Mr. Cuffe had been at least two or three months persuading me to make acquaintance with my lord of Southampton and Sir Charles Davers, who he said did greatly desire; notwithstanding, I still omitted it. And at length he brought Sir Charles Davers to my lodging about a fortnight after Christmas, where I protest there passed nothing but compliments and ordinary talk; and was the first time that ever I had spoken with Sir Charles in my life.

But to return to the matter. Upon Monday, being Candlemas Day, in the afternoon about four of clock, as I was coming out of Serjeants’ Inn, where I had acknowledged a statute before my Lord Anderson and sealed other writings, there came by in coach my lords of Essex and Southampton, Sir Christopher Blunt and Sir Charles Davers, and went towards the Strand. And because I had told Cuffe that I would be there that day, and they had seen me so near, I went thence soon after to Drury House, and there found my lord of Southampton with Sir Charles Davers; where, after some ordinary salutations (because I had never spoken with my lord since he was a child in my old Lord Treasurer’s house), my lord began to break with me that my lord of Essex had received by Mr. Cuffe so good a persuasion, both of my love to him and of my honesty, discretion and secrecy, that he had given him commission to reveal unto me a matter of great secrecy and importance: namely, that my lord, finding his life sought by his enemies by undue means, and despairing of justice against them because they were so potent about the Queen and did besiege her so as nothing could come to her knowledge but what they listed, was advised to make his repair to her presence, to declare both his particular grievances and many other; which, because he knew he should not be suffered to do in private sort, he was advised to go so well accompanied as he might not be kept from her.

That for the effecting hereof it was proposed to send some forty persons in several companies to the Mews, who, upon the discovery of my lord’s approach (who should come in coach well attended, with my lord of Southampton), should make on before to the court gate and possess it; and some other of their company to be before in the hall of the court, who, upon the sight of their possessing the gate, should make up into the guard chamber and seize upon the guards’ halberds, and so be masters of that chamber; and in the presence, that there should be some lords and other to welcome my lord when he came, and to go in with him to the Queen and countenance his action. Herein my lord required my advice.

I told him it was a matter of too great weight to be suddenly digested. But for the assurance which Mr. Cuffe had given of me, if he had not exceeded his commission, as I hoped he would not, being an honest man, I would perform what he had delivered from me. But for offering to draw my sword in the cause, I vow before God and his angels I never offered it nor ever meant it. Some objections and difficulties I proposed, as upon the sudden, as namely these: that this was an action of the nature of those which, as Tacitus says, non laudantur nisi peracta, and would be interpreted by the success; that it was full of difficulties and dangers, first, because it was almost impossible to prepare so many hands as should suffice for it without communicating it to so many as it must needs be revealed; secondly, if any door were found shut upon them, they were disappointed; and lastly, the City of Westminster was at hand, which, though they should prevail at the first so far as to possess the gate, yet might quickly bring in force enough to dispossess them and pull them out by the ears.

To the first difficulty they answered that they would not make their purpose known till the morning they intended to execute it, and that they would draw their company together upon some other pretext. To the second, that they hoped to come so unexpected, and those which they appointed to be before in court would be so vigilant, as there should not be time to shut any doors. And to the last, that being once in court, and having the show of the state on their side, nobody would stir against them. Their end, as it seemed, was to seize upon the persons of those that they accounted my lord’s enemies, and to require justice against them, tendering other presently to supply their places. I cannot certainly say that they then spoke of any parliament to be called, but I am sure Cuffe did afterwards. In speech of their means, I do not remember that they spoke of above 120 hands. Some noblemen they named that they would take along with them, as among other my lord of Rutland; but they said they could not trust him with the matter above two hours before they attempted it. They spoke of seizing the Tower as a matter which they could do when they would, by the means of Sir John Davies. But surely at that time they had resolved certainly, as it seemed to me, neither of the time nor any circumstance of their attempt. In conclusion, they prayed me to think of it, because it was new unto me, and said that Sir Charles Davers would come unto me within four or five days, under pretence of taking his leave of me, to have further conference of it.

Since which time, God is my witness, I never saw either of them, nor ever received letter or message from them, or they from me. But Cuffe came to me within a day or two after, to whom I related what had passed in that conference, and said I could not nor would not give any approbation to any such enterprise unless the undertakers did all take a solemn oath not to attempt anything against the Queen’s person or her estate, as they had done in the enterprise of Amboise, a precedent whereof was to be seen in the story. And further, seeing I perceived it was directed among other against Mr. Secretary, I said I would have no hand nor be no actor in it, because I was near allied unto him and had been beholden to him, as all the world took knowledge; and I would not blot my reputation to be false unto him or any man. And this I told him walking in the alley by the east wall in the garden of my lodging, and added these words, that they must dare pudori not to embark me into any action against him. He answered me that for the first, I should make no doubt of it, but I should be fully satisfied, and himself wished as well as I that it should be so. And for the second, I had reason, and they would not press me; only he wished I might be in the presence at the time when it should happen. And I asking why, he said my lord meant to name me among other to supply some place there, and he would have me at hand. And when I replied that I should be gone into France out of hand, and that my dispatches were signed, he told me I might feign myself sick if I were pressed to be gone. Which notwithstanding I did not, as some of your Honours know, but solicited as much as I could possible to receive my money out of the Exchequer, as Mr. Skinner will testify, with a purpose to have been gone presently. So little will or purpose had I to have any partaking with the Earl, even in that wherein he pretended mine own advancement.

I remember that in some of his conferences with me about that time, he moved me to sound a minister whom I was familiar with, how he stood affected to my lord, and what he did conceive of the affection of the City to my lord in his former troubles; which notwithstanding I did not, and indeed that minister was out of town all that while. He told me also that there was a buzz and a flying rumour that there was some practice against my lord’s person, which caused very many, both noblemen and other, to come and offer themselves to my lord; and that there came more than they could tell well what to do with, or how to put them off. About the middle of that week he told me that there had been warning given to the Mayor of London to look to the City, but that he made account that the affection of the City was sure unto my lord, and that of twenty-four aldermen they held themselves assured of twenty or twenty-one. The last time I spoke with him, he desired me from my lord that, although I would not be an actor myself in the matter, I would command my men, if I were in the court when my lord came thither, either to take part with him, or at least not to take part against him. Whereunto I answered, “Very well,” which how he construed I know not. But God is my witness that I neither did it nor ever meant it; and I humbly desire that my servants, if it be thought meet, may be examined of it.

Lastly, I vow and protest before Almighty God that I knew nothing, neither of the matter, manner, time, nor any circumstance of their attempt that Sunday, but came that morning to the court with Otwell Smith (as he can testify) to have spoken with Mr. Secretary about the merchants’ causes at Rouen. Where, when I understood what course the Earl took, and saw the vizard taken from him, and his true intents laid open, which he had so disguised before with specious pretences and cloaks of religion and virtue, I detested him and his actions from the bottom of my heart, and remained in court till ten of clock at night, with a purpose to have spent my life in Her Majesty’s defence, if there had been cause, as ready and as willingly as any man of my sort in the company.

Secundo Marcij 1600 [2 March 1601]

Henry Neuill

Although I mean not to justify myself altogether from blame, but do freely and willingly acknowledge an offence, and submit myself to her Majesty’s mercy; yet my own soul witnessing to herself, that it was ever loyal and faithful to her Majesty, and consequently abhorring more than death, the imputation of that fault, and loathsome crime of falsehood and treason, I do only desire, that my fault may not be barely or nakedly censured, but examined together with all the circumstances that did accompany it; which are the best means to try, not only the actions, but the intentions of all men, as far as it is possible to penetrate.

I have already acknowledged to the lords of her Majesty’s privy council, that I was entreated by Mr. Cuffe, in the late Earl of Essex his name, to meet with the Earl of Southampton and Sir Charles Davers; by them to understand some project which he had in consultation, touching his own good, and the good of the state, and to give my advice in it; with assurance, that nothing should be proposed, which I might not hear with due respect to my allegiance; for so the words of the Messenger did import.

After some days delay on my part, and often solicitation, I went to Drury House on Candlemas Day, and met with them; where their project being opened unto me, I objected both against the nature and difficulties of it, gave no approbation, or promise of partaking, but only said I would advise of it. After which, I never spoke with them, nor heard from them; and when Mr. Cuffe came soon after unto me, I utterly refused to have any part or hand in the matter; and being requested to come, and speak with the Earl of Essex himself about the third day after, I refused it, because indeed I would have nothing to do with him, finding that he had such conceits working in his mind.

The bare and simple truth of my case is this. Whereby it appears, first, that it was not a matter that originally entered into my thoughts, but that I was enticed, and in a manner enforced to hear it. For with these protestations and assurances, how could I well have refused, and who might not have been abused as well as I? And if these assurances had been performed, what offence had it been to have heard what had been proposed? Secondly it appears, that at the first proposition I gave not approbation, but rather made opposition to it, and afterwards refused absolutely to have any hand or fellowship in it: which will I hope sufficiently argue, that neither originally, nor by persuasion, any disloyal thought against her Majesty did ever settle in my mind.

For the better evidence whereof, I desire that these circumstances may be considered.

First that I never had any inwardness with the Earl of Essex, nor any dependency on him, nor any obligation to him, when he was in his highest fortunes; but had rather cause of unkindness and discourtesy offered me by him sundry times, as I have showed my lords of the council of. And if it be objected, that I went to see him in October last, and might then begin a friendship and inwardness with him; besides, that I avow there passed nothing of that kind, but general compliments between us; let all men consider, what kind of inwardness that was like to be, being that in four months after, he lying in London, and myself likewise, I never so much as once saw him, or had any communication with him.

Secondly, I desire that it may be remembered, that this meeting at Drury House was not till Candlemas; whereas her Majesty had signed my privy seal and all my dispatches, at the least four days before; and in truth if I could have got my money (which I laboured with all earnestness both my Lord Treasurer and Mr. Skinner, and was at length forced to signify to Mr. Secretary that I could not get it, albeit my journey stayed upon nothing else,) I fully purposed to have set forward upon the Thursday after Candlemas Day at the farthest; and if that had been so, undoubtedly I had never met with them.

Now then my dispatches being ready signed, and myself making all the haste I could to set forward within so few days, what likelihood is there that the Earl should build upon any thing from me, in that I was not likely to see the issue of? Especially, which I desire may be noted as the third circumstance, being the matter was delivered to me as an undigested conception, and not as a resolution; and besides that, they never imparted to me their articles whereof they did deliberate.

Fourthly it may be considered, that after that conference, I never saw them that had broken the matter to me, nor ever heard from them. Which argues, that they found little comfort at my hands, and made small account of me in the matter; as it appears likewise in this, that when they made their desperate attempt upon the Sunday, and sought to gather unto them all those of whom they had any hope whatsoever, though it were but by presumption, they never sent to me nor made me acquainted with it, as the Lord knows, and as I hope they all testified; which is a plain argument that they had not any confidence in me.

Nay rather, considering that Cuffe never came to me, after that I refused to come to my Lord; and how unequally (that I may not say uncharitably) my Lord dealt with me in his confession; wherein he delivered matters to charge me, but nothing to discharge me, although both alike known unto him, and how he has added some things nothing pertinent to this matter, and only of purpose to aggravate as it seems; I have cause to think that he took offence against me for my refusal, and perhaps afterwards conceived that I was the revealer of it.

But howsoever, I do freely and from my heart, acknowledge my offence in concealing of it, and do humbly implore her Majesty’s pardon and mercy for it; but protest it was not from any malice or discontent against the state, for who had more interest therein than I? Nor any desire that the attempt should succeed, for who could have more disliked it than I? Nor any personal affection to my Lord, for I never had any particular obligation to him: but partly upon contempt of the matter, being so weak and unlikely a project (neither formed nor resolved of) as I hoped would have proved abortive, and vanished of itself, whensoever they should have laid aside the passion of discontentment and examined it with reason; and partly upon an imbecility and weakness of my own nature, (if so it be to be termed,) which could not resolve to become an accuser; which how odious a thing it is, all the world knows; especially in respect of the person, whom I must have accused; who I desire may be considered, not as he has been found since, but as he was reputed.

Although I confess, that my duty to the public, should have prevailed above all respect of my own private disgrace which I apprehended in it. And that I did not consent to it upon any evil ground, let my frank, simple, and plain declaration, which I made upon my first calling to some, be witness for me; wherein I have set down my whole knowledge freely and directly, and presumed so much of my own innocency, as touching any consent or participation in the action, as I have omitted divers circumstances therein, which might most have justified my intention.

But the more really and plainly I have dealt therein, the more graciously I trust her Majesty will interpret of my former error, which (the Lord is my judge) was without conceit of any traitorous or disloyal thought against her Majesty. And desire God to deal in mercy with my soul, that I was going now into France with a full purpose, desire, and resolution to serve her Majesty with all, that faith, zeal, and Councell can witness I had done, in my former employment; and will always do, whensoever it shall please her Majesty to call me to the like again.

There is a question grown and much debated amongst us, whether the King should relieve himself in his great want (whereof the world takes knowledge both at home and abroad), by a Parliament, or by some projects and devices to raise money, which may be set on foot to that purpose. For my part, I will not examine what these projects may be, although by experience of such as have been put in use since the dissolution of the last Parliament, I am induced to believe that either they will fail or fall short in the practice, howsoever they may appear likely in the theory; or that they will prove like some medicines, which do rather take away sense of pain for the present than cure the grief for which they were applied. But admit there may be other ways devised to relieve the King, yet am I clearly of opinion that there is none so fit, so honourable, and so necessary as by a Parliament.

My reason is this; I consider on what terms the King and the last Parliament parted at the dissolution, full of distaste and acrimony on His Majesty’s part, and not without some discontentment on theirs, I consider also that from the Parliament, the apprehensions that are taken there are spread and dispersed over the whole realm. And further that the knowledge of these misunderstandings between His Majesty and the Parliament is not confined within this kingdom only but is flown abroad into all foreign parts that have any commerce or dealing with us. Now what disadvantage this opinion may breed us, and what hopes it is like to raise both in our enemies abroad and our discontented persons at home may easily be gathered. For, as there is nothing that more upholds the reputation of any Prince than the opinion of his strength at home, which consisted principally in the love and concord between him and his people from whence there follows naturally a sequence of all other duties on their part to make him strong and able to help and hurt his neighbours; so there is nothing that emboldens more an enemy, either open or secret, to attempt the disturbance of the peace of any State than the imagination that the Prince and people stand not in kind and loving terms.

And to this purpose I remember a story of Antigonus, one of the immediate and mightiest successors of Alexander, who, being solemnly set in great state to give audience to some other prince’s ambassador, as he was in that solemnity, his son Demetrius came in from hunting, and being arrayed in his hunting attire, with his darts in his hand, presented himself so unto his father, and after a salutation given according to the manner of that people, sat down by him. The audience being ended, and the ambassadors retiring themselves, Antigonus called them again, and willed them to report one thing more to their masters, namely, in what fashion they had seen his son and him converse together, intending that it would be taken for a great argument of his strength and a great assurance of his safety that his son and he lived in that confidence and concord.

If this were true in that case between the father and the son, how much more is it verified between the Prince and the people? And hereupon I conclude that the world being possessed with a conceit that the last Parliament ended with some sourness and distaste on the King’s part, and not with the best satisfaction on theirs, there is nothing more necessary for the King’s Majesty, either in regard of honour or safety, than to deface that opinion, and to make it apparent to the world that as he was received into the kingdom at his first entry, with the greatest demonstrations of the love and joy of his people that ever Prince was, so he is still rooted and established in their hearts; and that whatsoever cloud or mist might seem to have darkened or overshadowed the kind respects between them at that time, it was no other but that which happens often by some distemper, between a tender father and dutiful children which quickly vanish when the distemper of either side is removed.

For the effecting of this I can think of no other way but by another Parliament, for there this error grew, and there and nowhere else it must be repaired. The harsh conclusion of the former Parliament bred that ill-conceit, and the sweet close of another must beget a better. And by this means two notable effects will be wrought together if matters be well handled; the removing of that erroneous and dangerous conceit of a misunderstanding between the King and his people, and the relieving of the King’s present necessities in a sure speedy and plentiful manner; whereas that other cause of projects may happily prove slow and fail in the most, and in very few succeed according to the first design. And for rectifying the misconceit between the King and his people there is no hope at all that way. It is rather to be feared it will do hurt, and rather aggravate than cure that malady if there be not great judgment used in the choice of the projects, and much dexterity in the managing of them.

Against this opinion there are two objections. The one that the Parliament may still continue adverse and unwilling to relieve the King at all, and so no hope of making up the breach, the other that as long as it is conceived the King cannot help himself without them, they will play upon the advantage of his necessities and extort some unreasonable demands from him before they yield to do anything for him. Both these objections are grounded upon the same false foundation, namely, that whatsoever the last Parliament did in that kind, they did it out of evil affection, which I do know, and do confidently avow to be otherwise, and have before in speech delivered the true reasons of that averseness, as one that lived and conversed inwardly with the chief of them, that were noted to be most backward and know their inwardest thoughts on that business.

So I dare undertake for the most of them that the King’s Majesty proceeding in a gracious course toward his people, shall find those gentlemen exceeding willing to do him service, and to give him such contentment, as may sweeten all the former distastes, and leave both His Majesty and the world fully satisfied of their good intentions, and of the general affection of his subjects.

It is true (as I lately delivered unto His Majesty), that some things will be desired and expected of him by way of grace, which may both give some contentment to them that shall pay what is given, and justify the care and honest regard of them that shall give it. And, without this, I dare promise nothing; for it is most certain that, as in private families and all other societies, where the straitest bonds of nature or election do concur to unite affections, there is almost a continual necessity of mutual offices of kindness to nourish and maintain that love, so in kingdoms, besides that great bond of protection and allegiance between the sovereign and the subject, there is a like necessary use of the frequent interchange of mutual effects of grace and love to cherish and foster that tender affection that daily is to be renewed between them.

But what be the things that will be demanded or expected by the Parliament on behalf of the people will be hard for any one man to set down. Yet what I have collected out of the desires of sundry of the principal and most understanding gentlemen that were of the last Parliament, and are like to be of this, I will be bold to deliver in a memorial hereunto adjoined, whereby it shall appear that they aim not at anything unjust or unreasonable, or that may derogate from His Majesty in point of sovereignty further than His Majesty has already been pleased to offer in writing to the last Parliament (which no doubt will be maintained) nor in point of profit to any matter of certain and considerable value, but only at such things as being now of small moment and loss to His Majesty to depart with, because they have been sifted and ransacked to the bottom, may yet be valued to the subjects, both in opinion and truth, at a high rate, because they shall thereby enjoy a great repose and security from vexation which any of them may otherwise be subject unto.

These things being taken into His Majesty’s consideration, and receiving His gracious approbation as matter not unfit to be yielded of grace unto his subjects, the next points to be thought of are the time of holding the Parliament, the things preceding to be done by way of preparation, and the manner of proceeding with the House of Commons when the Parliament is assembled.

For the first I see no cause why it should be deferred longer than Michaelmas, for after the session there must be a time proportionable for the Commissioners to sit, and for the money to be levied and brought into the Exchequer, which the sooner it is done, the sooner will the King be eased of his debts for which he pays interest, and the sooner will his reputation be recovered and settled, which is the thing that most deserves to be respected.

If the Parliament begin at Michaelmas, the Term may be adjourned to Hollantide; or if not, yet till that time there is little business done, so as the lawyers may well attend the Parliament, whose absence will otherwise breed delay. And I do not see but in a month or five weeks this point of supplying the King and of his retribution will be easily determined if it be proposed betimes and followed close afterwards.

For the second, which concerns matter of preparation, these be the things that I would humbly offer to His Majesty’s gracious consideration, to forbear to use any speech that may irritate, and to seem rather confident than diffident of their affections, casting the fault of any former error upon evil offices done on both sides, and want of true understanding rather than want of good affection.

To speak graciously and benignly to the people that shall flock to see His Majesty this progress. And especially to take notice of the principal gentlemen, and let them kiss his hand, and do them some other grace.

To give order to the Archbishop to prohibit all books and invective sermons against the Parliament, so as notice may be taken of His Majesty’s commandment before the meeting.

To peruse the grievances exhibited the last Parliament, and if His Majesty would please to be gracious in any of them, to do it of himself before he be pressed. For a small thing in that manner will give more contentment than much more obtained with importunity.

And especially to call to mind if His Majesty promised anything to the last Parliament which is not yet performed; for upon the performance of that men will be like to ground their trust and hopes in those things which shall be offered now.

For the last point concerning the manner of proceeding, I wish that His Majesty will be pleased to make his propositions by himself or by his ministers and servants that are of their own body, and not by mediation of the Lords. For the Commons will be rather willing to make oblation of their affections themselves unto His Majesty than that any others should do it, and intercept both the merit and thanks from them.

I wish also that the King should forbear to nominate any particular men to be sent unto him from the Commons to treat upon any point or occasion, but after His Majesty has declared his own desires and made likewise known his gracious inclination to gratify his subjects with any favours and graces that with reason and moderation they can desire for them. His Majesty may be pleased to require the House to nominate a competent number of thirty or forty or fewer which may repair unto him with their demands, and be authorized both to ask and answer such questions as the debate about them shall beget without concluding or binding the House in any point, but only to clear things and report all back to the House.

This course, I conceive, will much expedite the business, avoid jealousies, and give good satisfaction to the most, when they shall see that the King shall understand their desire immediately from themselves without any interposition, or danger of misinterpretation, and that upon any point of doubt they shall be admitted to clear their own intentions and not to be subject to the construction of other.

Matters being thus prepared beforehand, and thus managed at the time, and His Majesty being pleased to be gracious to his people in the points proposed or any other of the like nature which may be thought of by the House, when they meet (for beforehand no man can precisely say these things will be demanded and no other) I have no doubt, but am very confident, that His Majesty shall receive as much contentment of this next Parliament as he received distaste of the former, and that all things will end in that sweet accord that will be both honourable and comfortable for His Majesty and happy for the whole realm.

And when His Majesty has made use of his people’s affection to put him out of want, any fit projects that shall be offered may be the boldlier entertained to fill his coffers. For whatsoever shall be done in that kind will be the less subject to offence when there is a perfect renewing of affections gone before; whereas otherwise whilst dislikes continue seu bene, seu male facta premunt.

In this advice it may evidently appear that I have proceeded with more zeal to His Majesty than caution or wariness for myself; for I am not ignorant what a hazard I run if things should fall out contrary to my expectation. But love and faith cast no perils. And I hold it a matter of that consequence both to King and people to have these misunderstandings cleared as well in truth as in opinion, that I would think my life of little value in respect of it, and had rather hazard anything that may befall me than leave such an office unattempted. Wherein if I fail, howsoever my discretion may be censured, yet I am sure the honest purpose and sincerity of my heart cannot be reproved.