St Margaret Lothbury: The Neville–Killigrew Parish, Church, Household Geography, and Records

Topic: St Margaret Lothbury

Source-Fact Audit — 7 August 2026

The marriage evidence is a chain of separately identified records: the 4 December licence, the 22 December parish-register entry naming Henry Neville, armiger and Anne Killigrew, and the 27 December royal gift of a gilt covered cup for the marriage of Sir Henry Neville's son and Henry Killigrew's daughter. Each source contributes a different fact; none should be substituted for the others.

The parish minutes then document specific household–church arrangements. In 1582 Old Style William Killigrew requested a way through the brick wall and recourse through the churchyard to a house and garden. Later minutes record permission, building negotiations, and a proposed Killigrew tomb. These are property, access, and parish-governance facts.

Descriptions such as unusually constrained parish, household geography, or repeated physical presence are modern syntheses. They should follow, not replace, the dated quotations. Remaining work is to collate the printed parish minutes and marriage extracts against the surviving registers, deeds, and plans, preserving Old Style/New Style date conversion explicitly.

Source-control summary

St Margaret Lothbury deserves treatment as a historical place, not merely as the name attached to Henry Neville's marriage register. During Neville's lifetime the church stood at the centre of a compact City parish over the Walbrook watercourse, immediately east of a major public conduit and beside Founders' Hall. A Killigrew house and garden physically adjoined its churchyard. The parish allowed Sir William Killigrew a private passage, received his help in housing the rector, negotiated long property arrangements with him, and authorized Lady Killigrew to erect Sir Henry Killigrew's tomb.

This creates three related but distinct kinds of evidence:

1. family rites at the church, including Henry Neville's marriage to Anne

Killigrew in 1584;

2. household geography, because Killigrew property touched the churchyard

and the adjoining parish of St Stephen Coleman Street; and

3. clerical and literary connections, especially George Downham's rectory,

his Killigrew patronage and later marriage to Jaél de Peigne, and Ben Jonson's epitaph for Robert Jermyn.

The building in which Neville married no longer survives. It was the medieval/pre-Fire church described by John Stow. The present Wren church was built in 1686–95. Any illustration or site visit must keep those two buildings separate.

The central Neville event: 22 December 1584

Sarah Gristwood's Folger court calendar brings together four source routes for the marriage of Henry Neville and Anne Killigrew:

“Dec 22: marriage, St Margaret Lothbury. Henry Neville (1564-1615), son of

Sir Henry Neville, of Berkshire, married Anne Killigrew, daughter of Henry

Killigrew, of Lothbury, and Katherine (Cooke), who died in childbirth,

1583.”

It then records:

“Marriage licence Dec 4, from Bishop of London, to marry at St Margaret.”

and:

“Register: Dec 22: Henry Neville, armiger [esquire] and Anne Killigrew.”

Finally, Elizabeth I's New Year's Gift records add the court dimension:

“Queen's gift, December 27, for the marriage of ‘Sir Henry Neville's son

and Mr Henry Killigrew's daughter’: a gilt cup with a cover.”

The conjunction matters. This was a parish wedding in the bride's documented Lothbury family setting, licensed by the Bishop of London and acknowledged at court five days later. It joined the Berkshire Neville family to the Killigrew–Cooke kinship network.

Two cautions must remain visible:

• Gristwood's heading gives Henry Neville's birth year as 1564, whereas the

project's separate birth-date packet favours about 1563 from age evidence.

• The court calendar quotes or abstracts the licence and register; direct

images of those two records were not obtained in this research pass.

Public source: Sarah Gristwood, *The Elizabethan Court Day by Day: 1584*.

Which church did Neville know?

The medieval church, not Wren's church

The medieval church was already old when Neville married there. The modern parish guide says it is first mentioned in the twelfth century. Stow thought the building had been newly enlarged or rebuilt about 1440. Whatever the precise building phases, Neville's 1584 ceremony took place more than eighty years before the Great Fire.

Stow's 1633 description places the church directly over the Walbrook:

“Upon the water-course of Walbrooke, have yee a proper Parish Church,

called S. Margaret.”

He associated its fifteenth-century enlargement with Robert Large, who gave “one hundred shillings” to the choir, £20 for ornaments, and:

“to the vaulting over the water-course of Walbrooke by the said Church, for

the enlarging thereof, two hundred Markes.”

The monetary wording requires source control. The visually checked 1633 Stow page reads 100 shillings and £20, but Strype's 1720 revision and its online transcription collapse this into “one hundred and 20 Pounds.” The earlier page image should govern any exact quotation unless the document behind Stow's statement is found.

This is not incidental topography. The church had literally been enlarged over a watercourse. The parish rectory also crossed the Walbrook and was later described as unhealthy. Water, vaulting, cramped property boundaries, and neighbouring gardens governed how the church and its households could expand.

Source: John Stow, The Survey of London (1633), pp. 292–93, image-checked in the public Internet Archive scan.

The medieval institutional history

Strype adds an earlier documentary lead: in the fifteenth year of Edward II (1321–22), St Margaret's was called a chapel and a licence was granted to found a chantry there. On the following page he ties that chantry to a five-mark rent from a tenement in neighbouring St Stephen Coleman Street. That early cross-boundary endowment anticipates the later practical interlocking of the two parishes around the rectory and Killigrew garden. The underlying royal licence has not yet been independently retrieved.

Strype also preserves the 1497 will of John Benet, rector of St Margaret's. Benet divided his residual goods into thirds:

• one third to the provost and fellowship of Eton College;
• one third to King's College, Cambridge;
• one third to his neediest parishioners, especially long-term residents

responsible for children.

The will is a useful prehistory to the parish's later connections with Etonian and university scholars, though it supplies no direct Neville link.

The old church contained monuments to civic, court, and mercantile figures: Hugh Clopton; Sir Brian Tuke and Dame Grisilde Tuke; Sir John Leigh; George Beaumont, D.D.; the court servant John Dimocke; merchant families including the Towersons; and, by 1623, Robert Jermyn. These inscriptions show the kind of social environment into which the Neville–Killigrew marriages entered: a City parish filled with memorials to merchants, royal servants, travellers, and office-holders.

Sources: Strype, book 3, p. 57, p. 58, and p. 59.

The street immediately outside

Stow says that at the west end of the church stood:

“a faire Water-conduit, builded at the charges of the Citie, in the yeere

1546.”

The water was brought in abundance from springs between Hoxton and Islington. “Next,” Stow says, was Founders' Hall. This gives a compact west-to-east sequence:

Founders' Hall → the 1546 conduit → St Margaret's church and churchyard → rectory/Killigrew garden toward St Stephen Coleman Street.

The conduit is independently important because Cecil Papers entries locate Sir Henry Killigrew's dwelling “beside the conduit in Lothbury” in 1594. The church, conduit, and household evidence therefore belong to one street scene, not to unrelated uses of the place-name Lothbury.

The area was associated with metal founders. Stow's picturesque claim that their turning and scraping made a “loathsome noise” and produced the name Lothbury should be treated as his antiquarian etymology, not as established linguistics. Modern historical work places the name much earlier and treats its origin as uncertain.

The church Neville's descendants knew

Stow records a substantial parish refurbishment:

“This Church was repaired and thorowout very worthily beautified, at the

cost and charge of the Parishioners, in the yeere of our Lord God, 1621.”

The named churchwardens were Francis Haddon and John Walker. Henry Neville died in 1615, so he did not see this refurbishment. Anne Neville, their children, and the wider Killigrew family could have done so. The old church was then destroyed or largely destroyed in the Great Fire of 1666.

A small and unusually constrained parish

Edwin Freshfield's edition of the vestry book describes St Margaret's as a small, narrow, irregular parish, partly in Coleman Street Ward and partly in Broad Street Ward. Its adjoining parishes were St Stephen Coleman Street to the north, St Olave Jewry to the west, and St Christopher le Stocks to the east. Freshfield stresses that the church itself occupied an awkward site:

• the church lay back from Lothbury with a strip of churchyard between it and

the street;

• Founders' Hall occupied the west side;
• houses occupied the north side and backed onto the churchyard;
• the Walbrook ran beneath the east side of the church and rectory;
• the rectory stood partly over the water and was considered unhealthy.

These constraints explain why a doorway, garden, summer-house, room over the vestry, light into the churchyard, or passage through it required formal parish negotiation. They also make the Killigrew entries valuable evidence for reconstructing the household rather than trivial administrative notices.

Source: Edwin Freshfield, ed., The Vestry Minute Book of the Parish of St. Margaret, Lothbury, in the City of London, 1571–1677 (London, 1887), pp. v–xix and 35–46. Google Books.

The Killigrew–church physical complex

1582/3: William already “hath” a house and garden

Freshfield's printed p. 15 is headed:

“The xiiij daye of Februarie 1582”

Because England's legal year then began on 25 March, this is 14 February 1583 in modern dating. The minute says that William Killigrew asked:

“to make a waye thorowe the bryckwall next and under the Fowners Hall, to a

howse and garden he hath there, and to have recowrsse thorow our chirche

yerde”

The passage was restricted to William, his “bedfellowe,” and their servants. The agreement was recorded on 24 March 1582 Old Style, likewise 24 March 1583 in modern dating, and was to last only at the parish's pleasure. This is stronger than the introductory paraphrase because it establishes that William already had the house and garden in early 1583. It proves current possession or occupation, though not the precise legal tenure.

Freshfield's directory for 1592 & 1593 then lists:

“Mr. William Killigrewe.”

The name appears in the north-side Lothbury sequence immediately after St Margaret's churchyard and church. William was therefore a named parish householder before the 1595 grant.

Freshfield's introduction connects the same property history to healthier accommodation for the rector and to the adjoining garden and summer-house. Those later arrangements should not be projected backward into every detail of the 1582/3 minute, but the house-and-garden presence itself is explicit.

1595–1611: property deeds align with the vestry evidence

The British Library catalogue records:

• Add Ch 76967, 5 April 1595: John Leigh grants Sir William Killigrew “a

messuage and garden in the parish of St Margaret Lothbury”;

• Add Ch 76968, 3 June 1597: Leigh's related quitclaim;
• Add Ch 76969, 29 November 1611: Walter Kirkman grants Sir William a garden

in St Stephen Coleman Street;

• Add Ch 76970, 18 February 1631/2: Sir Robert and the younger Sir William

Killigrew grant a “capital messuage and garden” in St Margaret Lothbury.

The 1582/3 vestry entry, 1592–93 directory, and these deeds should be mapped together. They may describe different legal components of one expanding property complex across the parish boundary. That is a research hypothesis, not yet a demonstrated parcel identity; the charters and plans must be overlaid before merging them.

Public catalogue route: British Library, Lothbury property charters.

1604: Sir Henry Killigrew's tomb

The vestry proceedings for 29 April 1604 record a request from Lady Killigrew, Sir Henry's widow:

“the parishe left it to her discretion for the Erectinge of a Tombe

accordinge to hir desire”

and, if she wished to give anything to the poor, that would be at her pleasure:

“and that noe somme should be demanded of hir For it.”

This is direct parish evidence that Jaél de Peigne sought to erect a tomb for Sir Henry Killigrew in or at the church after his death in March 1603. It does not yet prove that the tomb was completed. A heraldic drawing, visitation, funeral certificate, monument transcript, or churchwardens' payment may resolve that question.

1606–09: rooms and passage

The vestry book also records a long arrangement involving rooms over the vestry house leased to Sir William Killigrew, with a payment of forty shillings per year. On 8 November 1609 the parish again granted, at William's request:

“passage into his house through the church yard uppon sufferance duringe

the pleasur of the parish.”

The phrase “upon sufferance” matters: this was permission revocable at the parish's pleasure, not an unrestricted private ownership of the churchyard. The minute nevertheless places William's house close enough to require and use a direct churchyard passage.

1617–18: refused encroachment and permitted vertical enlargement

Freshfield's printed p. 50 fixes the house at the east-end corner of the church and shows the parish boundary working in practice. On the last day of November 1617 the parish refused Sir William part of the churchyard to enlarge his house. Because he had already laid a brick foundation without consent, it ordered the bricks and work removed. On 30 January 1617 O.S. / 1618 modern he again asked for ground “to enlarge his Dwelling house.” The proposed strip ran from the east end of Mr Downcomb's house toward the entry level with the vestry house. The parish again refused, fearing that a permission could later be turned into a permanent claim.

The later 1618 entry records the compromise. The parish permitted Sir William to build:

“his house at the corner upon the East-end of the Church a little higher”

He promised £10 for church repairs and spent about another £10 on the east window's stonework and glazing and on the King's Arms. The sequence shows that the house was being substantially rebuilt or raised. Its enlargement could proceed upward, but not outward over the churchyard.

This is the strongest presently accessible evidence for the house's precise position. It also explains why windows, lights, churchyard access, and rooms over the vestry were matters for collective parish authorization rather than ordinary domestic alterations.

Public source: Freshfield, p. 50.

The 1659/60 deed and plan preserve the post-Killigrew footprint

Freshfield's appendix prints a deed dated 5 March 1659/60 whose recitals look back over the assembled estate. They identify a “great capitall messuage and tenement” and garden in St Margaret, another house and garden near or over the gate that had been annexed to it, a separate messuage next to the church formerly associated with Anthony Walthall and later occupied by Sir William or his tenants, garden ground and buildings in St Stephen Coleman Street, and two rooms directly over the vestry with an entry and lights opening toward the church. The principal premises had earlier been in Sir Brian Tuke's tenure and later Sir William Killigrew's.

The accompanying survey plan, dated 24 March 1659/60, labels the church, churchyard, churchyard alley, vestry, parson's house, Baishford's house and garden, and the new street through the redeveloped ground. A related 8 March conveyance and plan is catalogued as BL Add Ch 76982 A–B; an Institute and Faculty of Actuaries counterpart survives as RKN 43059.

The plan is a post-Killigrew witness, not a direct drawing of the 1584 church-and-house scene. It is nevertheless the best available control on the later parcel relationships. It also prevents the several recited interests from being carelessly treated as one simple freehold: a Bank of England deed sequence shows that the Walthall messuage had its own title history, while William's will separately distinguishes inherited City property from leased London houses, gardens, and stables.

Public sources: Freshfield deed recital; plan, left portion; plan, right portion. Full working record: Lothbury residence property-footprint extension.

What the property evidence changes

The safe conclusion is no longer simply “the Killigrews lived in Lothbury.” The evidence supports a more exact spatial statement:

A Killigrew messuage and garden adjoined St Margaret's churchyard and the

St Stephen Coleman Street boundary; the household negotiated doors,

passages, rooms, a rector's house, and a family tomb with the parish.

This is strong evidence of household access and repeated physical presence. It does not identify which rooms Henry Neville used on any particular visit, and it does not by itself prove access to any specific Killigrew book.

Henry's Lothbury “dwelling house” was probably William's property

The property evidence can now be joined to the correspondence without confusing occupation and ownership:

• on 7 November 1594, a Hatfield calendar entry calls the address “Sir

Henry Killigrew's dwelling house beside the Conduit in Lothbury”;

• on 8 March 1594 Old Style / 1595 modern, Henry himself dates a letter

“From my brother's house in Lothbury”;

• on 14 August 1596, an addition in Henry's own hand again says “From my

brother's house in Lothbury”;

• William alone has the presently documented vestry, directory, charter, and

later lease trail for the property.

The brother is consequently identifiable as William with very high confidence. Sir John Killigrew had died in 1584, while William is directly documented in this parish from early 1583. The safest reconstruction is that Henry maintained a genuine household or lodging within William's Lothbury property or property complex. That explains why a third party could call it Henry's “dwelling house” while Henry could call it his brother's.

The 3 January 1598 state-paper calendar further shows Henry writing from Lothbury before a planned three- or four-day visit to “my brother's house at Hamworth,” meaning Hanworth. William's City and suburban residences thus formed a two-house axis used by Henry. No separate Henry-owned Lothbury title or lease has emerged from the present sweep.

George Downham: rector, client, and later husband

Correcting the rector's identity

The official Clergy of the Church of England Database records George Downame, B.D., instituted rector of St Margaret Lothbury on 21 September

1. The appointment derives from Archbishop Whitgift's register; Elizabeth

I appears as patron because the see of London was vacant.

The parish minutes agree. On 31 August 1596 the parishioners consented to fund:

“A Lecture to bee Read by Mr Downeham nomynated to bee parson of this

parishe.”

The same printed book repeatedly calls him “Mr George Downham parson” and “Mr Downam Rector.” This combination corrects later biographical confusion that assigns the rectory to his brother John. The original Whitgift register is still the final archival control, but the current official record and parish transcription point to George.

Public records: CCEd parish sequence and George Downham's institution.

The Killigrew relationship before 1617

Downham's connection with the family was not created by his later marriage. His Abrahams Tryall (1602) is dedicated to Sir Henry Killigrew. Downham says he is bound for great benefits to Sir Henry, Sir Henry's loving brother, and:

“the vertuous Lady your wife.”

In other words, George Downham was the Killigrews' rector and acknowledged client or beneficiary while Sir Henry was alive. After Sir Henry's death, Jaél sought permission for his tomb in Downham's church.

Jaél and Downham marry at the same church

Joseph Foster's edition of London marriage licences records a licence dated 19 April 1617 for George Downham, Bishop of Derry, widower, about fifty, and Lady Jaél Killigrew, widow, about forty-six:

“at St. Margaret, Lothbury.”

The currently reported parish-register date is 22 April 1617, but the direct register image still needs retrieval. The licence incorrectly says Sir Henry Killigrew had been dead sixteen years; his documented death was in 1603. The error must be preserved, not used to move Sir Henry's death.

The sequence is unusually coherent:

• 1596: George Downham becomes rector;
• 1602: he publicly acknowledges Sir Henry, Jaél, and Sir Henry's brother as

benefactors;

• 1603–04: Sir Henry dies and Jaél seeks a tomb in the parish church;
• 1617: the widowed Jaél marries the former rector at St Margaret Lothbury.

Neville and Killigrew family events

The table deliberately distinguishes direct page-controlled summaries from events whose underlying register image is still required.

The 1599 Jermyn–Killigrew marriage

Folger's 1599 court calendar says:

“Nov 26, Mon: marriage, at St Margaret Lothbury: Sir Thomas Jermyn married

Katherine Killigrew, daughter of William Killigrew, Groom of the Privy

Chamber.”

It also records Queen Elizabeth's gift of jewels. This repeats the 1584 pattern: a Killigrew marriage at the parish church followed by royal recognition. Public source: *The Elizabethan Court Day by Day: 1599*.

Robert Jermyn and the Ben Jonson memorial

Robert Jermyn, son of Sir Thomas Jermyn and Katherine Killigrew, died in 1623 at about twenty-one. Stow's 1633 page prints the beginning of his substantial monument in the south aisle of St Margaret Lothbury.

CELM's Ben Jonson introduction identifies Jonson as the author of Jermyn's epitaph and records two early manuscript copies, JnB 763 and JnB 764. The church therefore held not only Killigrew family memory but a text attributed to one of Shakespeare's most important literary contemporaries. This is a documented literary association with the parish; it is not evidence that Jonson attended the Neville wedding or knew Neville through the church.

Public source: CELM, Ben Jonson introduction.

Parish religion and government during the Neville years

Freshfield's vestry book shows that St Margaret's was an administratively active parish, not a passive ceremonial venue.

Lectures and preaching

The parish subscribed for Downham's lecture even before his institution as rector. Later minutes repeatedly discuss paying for preachers and sustaining the lecture. This places the Killigrew household beside a funded Protestant preaching programme whose lecturer became their acknowledged beneficiary.

Communion discipline

Freshfield says the parish determined in 1589 that nobody should presume to come to holy communion without a parish token, and that tokens were withheld from people who failed to attend morning and evening prayer. The entry follows the Neville marriage by only five years and shows the close vestry oversight of religious conformity in the parish.

Poverty and relief

The minute book contains regular assessments, pensions, distributions, and decisions about the parish poor. Strype later preserves older and continuing charities, including bread, cash relief, and money to apprentice poor parish-born children. His list names £3 6s. 8d. annually from Henry VIII, £5 from Thomas Bramly, the annual interest on Anthony Bedingfield's £100, £2 12s. in bread from the Mercers, and £10 from Mary Barnes for apprenticing children born in the parish. The tomb minute's invitation that Lady Killigrew might give to the poor belongs to this active relief system.

Plague

Freshfield attempted to reconstruct the parish's plague mortality from registers and accounts. He calculated 193 deaths in 1593, of which 84 were labelled plague, and 115 deaths in 1603, of which 109 fell in the plague period from August to November. He immediately warned that the account particulars differed and could be unreliable. These figures should therefore be used as the editor's reconstruction, not exact demographic facts.

The intimate scale of the parish makes the plague geography particularly striking: Freshfield mapped infected houses around the churchyard, Founders' Alley, and Tokenhouse Yard. The same compressed streets and gardens used by the Killigrews were also sites of household surveillance, tokens, relief, and burial.

The surviving archive

The London Metropolitan Archives collection is catalogued as P69/MGT1, covering 1483–1996. Its description includes:

• baptism, marriage, banns, burial, and preacher registers;
• vestry minutes;
• churchwardens' accounts and vouchers;
• church-building maintenance papers;
• parish poor-relief and rate records;
• deeds and parish-property documents.

The modern parish guide gives these broad register spans:

• baptisms: 1558–1924;
• marriages: 1558–1996;
• burials: 1558–1853.

Public catalogue: AIM25/London Metropolitan Archives, St Margaret Lothbury, `P69/MGT1`.

Public guide: London Westminster & Middlesex Family History Society, *Parish of St Margaret Lothbury*.

The FamilySearch catalogue identifies film 374471 / DGS 8047024 for the early register sequence. The viewer required authentication in this pass, so the catalogue was used only as a retrieval guide. No event in this topic is claimed as newly image-verified from FamilySearch.

The present church

Historic England lists the surviving church at Grade I, entry 1064634, and dates it 1686–95 under Christopher Wren. It describes a rectangular body with a lower south aisle, east vestry, west tower, Portland-stone south elevation, Corinthian columns and pilasters, west gallery and organ, pulpit and tester, reredos, altar rails, chancel screen, memorial tablets, and fittings gathered from demolished City churches.

Those transferred fittings should not be mistaken for survivals from the church in which Neville married. The present building is the architectural afterlife of the parish, not the Tudor church itself.

Historic England currently also places the church on the Heritage at Risk Register: condition “Poor,” vulnerability “High,” trend “Stable,” priority C, “Slow decay; no solution agreed.”

Public sources: National Heritage List entry 1064634 and Heritage at Risk entry 23730.

Research implications for the Neville project

1. The marriage site was a family household site

The 1584 wedding, the 1582/3 doorway minute, the 1592–93 directory, the property deeds, the 1604 tomb, and the 1609 passage collectively show that St Margaret Lothbury was embedded in Killigrew domestic space. This is more historically precise than saying only that Anne's family came “from London.”

2. Lothbury was a communications address

Neville's letters and the Cecil Papers place Henry Neville, Sir Henry Killigrew, and their correspondence in Lothbury during the 1590s and 1601. The church/conduit/property reconstruction makes those datelines spatially meaningful. A letter sent to the Killigrew household entered a dense cluster of court servants, diplomats, clergy, gardens, churchyard passages, and parish officers.

3. The church joined kinship, patronage, and preaching

George Downham's history is the clearest example. He was funded as lecturer, instituted as rector, housed with Killigrew assistance, named the Killigrews as benefactors in print, and eventually married Sir Henry's widow at the church. That is a continuous institutional relationship, not a chance family ceremony.

4. The parish has a documented literary afterlife

Ben Jonson's Robert Jermyn epitaph and Thomas Killigrew's baptism place later literary and theatrical figures in the same parish-family history. These associations should be documented without turning them into authorship claims. Their value is that they reveal how long the Killigrew network continued to use and memorialize itself through St Margaret's.

5. The register offers a bounded discovery project

A complete, image-controlled extraction for 1558–1633 could answer several open questions at once:

• exact wording and witnesses for the Neville–Killigrew marriage;
• whether the Brooke–Neville and younger Neville–Smythe ceremonies occurred

there;

• baptismal and burial dates for the Killigrew branches;
• whether Sir Henry's burial and tomb can be linked;
• how household servants and neighbours connect to the vestry rate lists;
• whether recurring godparents expose further Neville, Cooke, Cecil, Savile,

Brooke, Jermyn, Carleton, or Winwood ties.

This should be done as a register census, not as isolated name searches. Spelling variants, Latin entries, duplicate names, and the two Sir William Killigrews make selective searching especially dangerous.

Quoted source passages

The most important directly controlled printed passages are:

1. Folger/Gristwood, 1584:

“Register: Dec 22: Henry Neville, armiger [esquire] and Anne Killigrew.”

1. Stow, 1633, p. 292:

“Upon the water-course of Walbrooke, have yee a proper Parish Church,

called S. Margaret.”

1. Freshfield, p. 15:

“to a howse and garden he hath there, and to have recowrsse thorow our

chirche yerde”

1. Freshfield, p. 35:

“A Lecture to bee Read by Mr Downeham nomynated to bee parson of this

parishe.”

1. Freshfield, p. 41:

“the parishe left it to her discretion for the Erectinge of a Tombe

accordinge to hir desire.”

1. Freshfield, p. 46:

“passage into his house through the church yard uppon sufferance duringe

the pleasur of the parish.”

These are quotations from printed, publicly identifiable sources whose page images were inspected. They are not quotations reconstructed from OCR.

Notes on access

• The Folger, Google Books, Internet Archive, Strype, CCEd, Historic England,

CELM, British Library, and AIM25 routes are publicly identifiable.

• Google Books exposes Freshfield's full scanned volume and searchable OCR.

The decisive pages were opened as page images rather than accepted from search snippets.

• The FamilySearch catalogue identifies the early register film, but the page

images required sign-in and were not inspected. No direct-register claim has been promoted on that basis.

• The underlying Bishop of London licence and the original parish register

remain retrieval tasks.

• Internal page-image links below are research controls for this canonical AI

Topic. A public derivative must cite the public editions and catalogue records instead of those local paths.

Sources

• Sarah Gristwood, The Elizabethan Court Day by Day: 1584. [Folger

PDF](https://folgerpedia.folger.edu/mediawiki/media/images_pedia_folgerpedia_mw/archive/e/e7/20170608213416%21ECDbD_1584.pdf).

• Sarah Gristwood, The Elizabethan Court Day by Day: 1599. [Folger

PDF](https://folgerpedia.folger.edu/mediawiki/media/images_pedia_folgerpedia_mw/archive/4/4b/20170608213854%21ECDbD_1599.pdf).

• Edwin Freshfield, ed., *The Vestry Minute Book of the Parish of St.

Margaret, Lothbury, in the City of London, 1571–1677* (London: Rixon and Arnold, 1887), printed p. 15, directory for 1592–93, and pp. 41, 46. Google Books.

• R. A. Roberts, ed., *Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable

the Marquess of Salisbury*, vol. 5, printed pp. 18 and 135, and vol. 6, printed p. 335. Vol. 5; vol. 6.

• Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, Elizabeth, 1598–1601,

printed p. 3, entry for 3 January 1598. Public scan.

• John Stow, The Survey of London (1633), pp. 292–93, 845. [Internet

Archive](https://archive.org/details/b30331870).

• John Strype, A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster, book 3,

pp. 57–59. Strype's Survey of London Online.

• Clergy of the Church of England Database, St Margaret Lothbury location

record 11613. CCEd.

• Clergy of the Church of England Database, George Downame appointment

record 241732. CCEd.

• Joseph Foster, ed., London Marriage Licences, 1521–1869, col. 416.

Internet Archive.

• George Downham, Abrahams Tryall (1602), STC 7102 / TCP A20718.

EarlyPrint.

• British Library Archives and Manuscripts Catalogue, Add Ch 76967–76970.

Catalogue results.

• London Metropolitan Archives, parish of St Margaret Lothbury, P69/MGT1.

AIM25 catalogue.

• London Westminster & Middlesex Family History Society, *Parish of St

Margaret Lothbury*. PDF.

• CELM, “Ben Jonson,” for Robert Jermyn's epitaph and manuscript witnesses.

Folger/CELM.

• Historic England, Church of St Margaret, list entry 1064634. [National

Heritage List](https://historicengland.org.uk/listing/the-list/list-entry/1064634).

• Historic England, Church of St Margaret Lothbury, Heritage at Risk entry

23730. Register.